Verifying the reproducibility of bitcoin core is way harder than i expected. And the problem is, with multiple engineers doing it, I know that's it's my fault if it doesn't build...

``` make[1]: Leaving directory '/home/dannybuntu/home/dannybuntu/bitcoin/depends' make: Leaving directory '/home/dannybuntu/home/dannybuntu/bitcoin/depends' INFO: Building 29.0 for platform triple x86_64-linux-gnu: ...using reference timestamp: 1744384813 ...running at most 4 jobs ...from worktree directory: '/home/dannybuntu/home/dannybuntu/bitcoin' ...bind-mounted in container to: '/bitcoin' ...in build directory: '/home/dannybuntu/home/dannybuntu/bitcoin/guix-build-29.0/distsrc-29.0-x86_64-linux-gnu' ...bind-mounted in container to: '/distsrc-base/distsrc-29.0-x86_64-linux-gnu' ...outputting in: '/home/dannybuntu/home/dannybuntu/bitcoin/guix-build-29.0/output/x86_64-linux-gnu' ...bind-mounted in container to: '/outdir-base/x86_64-linux-gnu' ADDITIONAL FLAGS (if set) ADDITIONAL_GUIX_COMMON_FLAGS: ADDITIONAL_GUIX_ENVIRONMENT_FLAGS: ADDITIONAL_GUIX_TIMEMACHINE_FLAGS: guix shell: error: mount: mount "none" on "/home/dannybuntu/tmp/guix-directory.PeHlio": Permission denied ``` Possible solution... run as `sudo`

Doing research on how to reproducibly verify desktop bitcoin core. So far:

> From FB: > I was just watching the new season of "HOW TO SELL DRUGS ONLINE (FAST)". I got to the bit where the startup is kidnapped by drug dealers and forced to make an encrypted messaging app for them. Managed to pause the video when Dan the CEO is pretending he knows how to write code so he doesn't get shot 🤣

The Primeagen talks about Open Source

🔐 Verified: Keystone3 Pro Firmware v2.0.4 (Cypherpunk, Modern) is reproducible ✅ Unsigned binary matches local build byte-for-byte. Signed hash differs (as expected due to signature). 📄 Asset registered on WalletScrutiny:

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#ReproducibleBuilds #FirmwareIntegrity #Bitcoin

🔐 Verified! Keystone3 Pro Firmware v2.0.4 (Multi-Coin, Modern) is reproducible 🧪✅ Our build perfectly matches the unsigned official binary. Signed binary differs (expected due to signature). Tested with: keystone3pro.sh 2.0.4 multicoin modern 🔗 #ReproducibleBuilds #Bitcoin #FirmwareIntegrity #WalletScrutiny

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🔐 Verified! Keystone3 Pro Firmware v2.0.4 (Multi-Coin, Legacy) is reproducible 🧪✨ Our build matches the official unsigned binary byte-for-byte ✅ Signed binary differs (as expected) due to cryptographic signature. 🔍 Full test details: keystone3pro.sh 2.0.4 multicoin legacy 🔗 https://keyst.one/contents/KeystoneFirmwareG3/v2.0.4/web3/legacy_ota/keystone3.bin #ReproducibleBuilds #Bitcoin #FOSS

🔍 Tried to build Nunchuk Desktop from source — but hit a wall. ❌ Missing submodule libnunchuk (404 GitLab link) breaks the build. 🧪 Tested on both local Ubuntu & remote Debian. 🔐 Not reproducible in current state. 📦 SHA-256: (build failed — no binary to hash) 🔗

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🔍 Just verified a reproducible build of Nunchuk v1.67.0 (io.nunchuk.android)! ✅ The APK from my phone matches the one built from source (tag: android.1.67) 🔐 Signing excluded, but the code checks out byte-for-byte. 📦 SHA-256: 41a66972d53121db4c77fd54bd79202822074fea6db35059b3049bfb5571bb73 🔗

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🧪 Verified the BitBanana v0.9.4 Android app is functionally reproducible! 📦 Official split APKs were compared to those built from source. 🧾 Only minor binary diffs in AndroidManifest.xml & resources.arsc. 🔗

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🔍 Just verified a reproducible build of Blockstream Green v4.1.8! ✅ The APK from my phone matches the one built from source. 🔐 Signing was missing, but the code checks out. 📦 SHA-256: e2b842...50f89 🔗

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up or down, we build.

Check out this asset information I registered on WalletScrutiny:

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Check out this asset information I registered on WalletScrutiny for Unstoppable Wallet 0.42.1

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Check out this asset information I registered on WalletScrutiny: For Adamant.im Desktop v4.9.0

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Federalism and the Risk of Invasive Foreign Presence in the Philippines: The Case of POGOs and Property Ownership Federalism has long been a polarizing proposition in the Philippine political landscape. Advocated by former President Rodrigo Duterte during his campaign and throughout his administration, federalism was framed as a structural reform to decentralize power, promote regional development, and empower local governments. However, embedded within the proposed shift was an agenda to amend the 1987 Constitution—specifically, provisions that restrict foreign ownership of land and corporations. While such reforms were often marketed as economic liberalization, they also carried significant national security implications, particularly in the context of increasing Chinese economic presence in the country. One notable development during Duterte’s term was the proliferation of Philippine Offshore Gaming Operators (POGOs), many of which were owned or managed by Chinese nationals. These entities quickly expanded across Metro Manila and other regions, occupying commercial and residential properties and employing tens of thousands of foreign workers. The rise of POGOs was seen by some analysts as a proxy for a broader Chinese economic and possibly geopolitical footprint in the Philippines. Had constitutional amendments favoring federalism succeeded—particularly those that relaxed restrictions on foreign ownership of land and critical industries—it is plausible that POGOs and similar foreign entities could have transitioned from tenants to landowners, securing permanent footholds in Philippine real estate and corporate sectors. This scenario, had it fully materialized, would have complicated efforts to regulate or expel these entities, especially amid mounting concerns of espionage, tax evasion, and criminal activity linked to some POGOs. The eventual crackdown on POGOs and the exposure of controversial figures such as Bamban Mayor Alice Guo underscore the depth and sensitivity of this issue. In this light, the failure to implement federalism during the Duterte administration, and the continued suspension of such reforms under the current administration, arguably averted a deeper and more irreversible form of foreign economic entrenchment. The Marcos administration’s ban on POGOs can be viewed as a corrective measure that reasserted state control over sectors that had grown vulnerable to foreign manipulation. A comparative example can be seen in Japan, where the government is currently grappling with the "Akiya phenomenon"—an estimated 9 million abandoned homes. Due to lenient property laws that allow foreigners to purchase real estate, Chinese nationals have reportedly been buying properties in large numbers. While Japan has been quicker to legislate restrictions in response, the Philippines' case highlights how constitutional safeguards play a critical role in preventing potentially exploitative foreign acquisition of national assets. The intersection of constitutional reform, foreign ownership, and national security is thus a crucial area of concern in any federalism discourse in the Philippines. While the promise of federalism may hold developmental allure, its implications for sovereignty and strategic autonomy demand vigilant scrutiny.

A time will come when most content online would have been written by AI. Imagine that.

Fatherhood - 22 years onwards I've been a father for 22 years now. With 8 kids, I sometimes treat fatherhood as an administrative task. You work, you earn money, you budget for the needs, you set aside a college or education fund, fix broken things at home - and if you're extremely lucky, save up for a vacation.

The Consolidation of Political Dynasties in the Philippines There is an ongoing political travesty in the Philippines, that only a scarce few can discern: the consolidation of power of political dynasties. This brings about the "illusion of political choice". Political clans in every province, in every city - consolidate power through nepotism. Never before have I seen in my lifetime, where the husband, the wife, the children, the nephews, and even the political lackeys are campaigning for positions in the government. The very problem lies in the structure of the elections. Incumbents treat government functionaries like their employees. What is supposed to be universal service from the government, becomes a debt-of-gratitude to the incumbents. The masses, who often rely on political personalities for donations to medical bills, livelihood and education, often treat politicians like demi-gods. Also a part of the problem is rampant vote-buying. Incumbents amass significant political capital during their tenure and then use this to mobilize their dependents come election time. No opposition figure, no political party with clear ideological base can counteract these effects effectively. All the politicians have to do is to portray an image of being supporters of the masses and use their resources to do this to acceptable thresholds and we have a perpetuating cycle. Get voted, gain economic advantage, use these resources they gained in the next election - ad infinitum. Most of these includes infrastructure development, education, healthcare and more are often funded by debt which has now ballooned to Php16 Trillion. The debt-to-GDP ratio is now at 67%, slightly above the acceptable thresholds. Corruption now has a scientific method - and opposing these structures has become a monumental task.