The Amal Movement (Arabic: حركة أمل, romanized: Ḥarakat Amal, lit. 'Hope Movement') is a Lebanese political party and militia affiliated mainly with the Shia community of Lebanon. It was founded by Musa al-Sadr and Hussein el-Husseini in 1974 as the "Movement of the Deprived". The party has been led by Nabih Berri since 1980. The Amal Movement gained attention from Shia outcry after the disappearance of Musa al-Sadr and saw a renewal in popularity after the 1978 South Lebanon conflict with Israel. The Iranian Revolution of 1979 also provided momentum for the party. The Amal Movement is the largest predominantly Shia party in parliament, having fourteen representatives to Hezbollah's thirteen. Amal has an alliance with Hezbollah. The War of Brothers (Arabic: حرب الإخوة, romanized: Ḥarb al-ʾIkhwat) was a period of violent armed clashes between rivals Amal and Hezbollah, Lebanon's main Shiite militia movements, during the final stages of the Lebanese Civil War. The fighting broke out in April 1988 and proceeded intermittently in three phases over the following years until the signing of an agreement brokered by their respective foreign backers, Ba'athist Syria and Iran, in November 1990. The Amal Movement was formed in 1974 as the armed wing of popular Shiite cleric Musa al-Sadr's Movement of the Dispossessed. Amal supported the intervening Syrian army against the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Hezbollah, on the other hand, which began as an umbrella organization consisting of more conservative elements of Lebanon's Shiite community, was born in 1982 in reaction to Israel's invasion and occupation of South Lebanon. As the Amal-initiated "War of the Camps" against the PLO ended, Hezbollah and its rival Amal began clashing in South Lebanon and in Beirut's southern suburbs. Musa al-Sadr's unsolved disappearance in 1978 during a trip to Libya, following the Litani operation, led to a struggle for influence among the Shiites, and left Amal's leadership divided along moderate and extremist lines. The Iranian Revolution of 1979 had an equally significant impact on the Shiites of Lebanon, which later managed, through Hezbollah, to indoctrinate the community at the expense of Amal's internal schisms. Hezbollah originated from a Syrian–Iranian deal that allowed Tehran to deploy a 1,500-member Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) delegation in the form of religious scholars and military officials. The Syrian government's concern by the possibility of Israeli influence among the Shiites of the south in the wake of the 1982 IDF invasion motivated its decision to allow the IRGC delegation to operate freely in the country, despite Syrian wariness of the prospect of Iran's clerical entrenchment in Lebanon. Hussein al-Musawi, one of Amal's leading members, split from the movement in June 1982 to form Islamic Amal. Two months later, Iran's revolutionary leader, Ayatollah Khomeini, met with a number of prominent Lebanese Shiite figures in Tehran, including Fadlallah and Subhi al-Tufayli, who would later become Hezbollah's first secretary-general, among several others. During this conference, Khomeini encouraged his guests to form a resistance movement against Israel in South Lebanon. Meanwhile, the IRGC delegation, stationed in the Beqaa Valley, Helped form the nucleus of Hezbollah's leadership after a recruitment campaign that managed to gather several Lebanese clerics in its ranks. At the same time, the military wing of this movement grew rapidly as a result of extensive Iranian funding and training. Among the constituent groups of Hezbollah were the Muslim Student Union and the Lebanese branch of the Islamic Dawa Party of Iraq, both of which Fadlallah helped create, As well as Hussein al-Musawi's Islamic Amal.

“Sometimes I waste money on things I need”

"Members of Hezbollah established business relationships with South American drug cartels responsible for supplying large quantities of cocaine to the European and United States drug markets. An intricate network of money couriers collect and transport millions of euros in drug proceeds from Europe to the Middle East. The currency is then paid in Colombia to drug traffickers using the Hawala disbursement system. A large portion of the drug proceeds is laundered through Lebanon [facilitated by the now-defunct Lebanese Canadian Bank and other Lebanese nationals], where it is then used for the benefit of Hezbollah to purchase weapons."

Propaganda Due (Italian: [propaˈɡanda ˈduːe], P2) was a Masonic lodge, founded in 1877, within the tradition of Continental Freemasonry and under the authority of Grand Orient of Italy. Its Masonic charter was withdrawn in 1976, and it was transformed by Licio Gelli into an international, illegal, clandestine, anti-communist, anti-Soviet, anti-Marxist, and radical right criminal organization and secret society operating in contravention of Article 18 of the Constitution of Italy that banned all such secret associations. Gelli continued to operate the unaffiliated lodge from 1976 to 1984. P2 was implicated in numerous Italian crimes and mysteries, including the collapse of the Holy See-affiliated Banco Ambrosiano, the contract killings of journalist Carmine Pecorelli and mobbed-up banker Roberto Calvi, and political corruption cases within the nationwide mani pulite bribery scandal. P2 came to light through the investigations into the collapse of Michele Sindona's financial empire. P2 was sometimes referred to as a "state within a state" or a "shadow government". The lodge had among its members prominent journalists, members of the Italian parliament, industrialists, and senior Italian military officers —including Silvio Berlusconi, who later became Prime Minister of Italy; the House of Savoy pretender to the Italian throne Prince Victor Emmanuel; and the heads of all three Italian foreign intelligence services (at the time SISDE, SISMI, and CESIS). When searching Gelli's villa in 1982, police found a document which he had entitled "Plan for Democratic Rebirth", which called for a coup d'etat, the consolidation of the media, the suppression of Italian labour unions, and the rewriting of the Italian constitution. Outside of Italy, P2 had many active lodges in Venezuela, Uruguay, Brazil, Chile, and Argentina. Among its Argentine members were Raúl Alberto Lastiri, who was briefly interim president of the country after the end of the self-styled "Argentine Revolution" dictatorship (1966–1973); Emilio Massera, who was part of the military junta led by Jorge Rafael Videla during Argentina's last civil-military dictatorship (1976–1983); the Peronist orthodox José López Rega, who was Minister of Social Welfare (1973–1975) and founder of the paramilitary organisation Argentine Anticommunist Alliance (AAA); and former Argentine Army general, Dirty War perpetrator, and convicted murderer Guillermo Suárez Mason. P2's leader, Gelli, has been recognized in the 2020s as the mastermind behind the 1980 Bologna massacre, the deadliest terrorist attack in post-WWII Italy. With the proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy, the Grand Orient of Italy, the most important and numerous Masonic community in Italy, felt the need to safeguard the identity of its most prominent members, even within the organisation. For this reason, the membership of the latter did not appear on any official list, but was known only to the Grand Master, who recorded it as an initiation "by ear". It was not until 1877 that Giuseppe Mazzoni [it] began to draw up a list called Propaganda Massonica, officially establishing the lodge in question and becoming its first venerable master. Propaganda was founded in 1877, in Turin, as Propaganda Massonica. This lodge was frequented by politicians and government officials from across Italy who were unable to attend their own lodges and included prominent members of the Piedmont nobility. Since its foundation, the main feature of the lodge was to provide adequate cover and secrecy for the most important initiates, both inside and outside the Masonic organisation. Even after Lemmi's Grand Mastership, the lodge continued to be an important reference point in the organisation of the Masonic Grand Orient. Among its members, at the beginning of the 20th, century there were Giovanni Ameglio (1920), Mario Cevolotto,Eugenio Chiesa (1913),Alessandro Fortis (1909), Gabriele Galantara (1907), and Giorgio Pitacco (1909. Propaganda Massonica was banned in 1925, alongside all other Masonic lodges and secret societies, by the Fascist regime. The Grand Master Domiz [it] signed the decree dissolving all lodges. However, Italian Freemasonry was reconstituted in exile in Paris on 12 January 1930. Based on notes from the SISMI and SISDE discovered by magistrate Vincenzo Calia during his investigation into the death of Enrico Mattei, the P2 Lodge was allegedly founded by Eugenio Cefis [it], who ran it until he became president of Montedison. After the oil scandal [it], he was replaced by the duo Licio Gelli and Umberto Ortolani. According to other sources, the secret head of the P2 Lodge was former Christian Democrat Giulio Andreotti The Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry, headed by Anselmi, concluded that the P2 lodge was a secret criminal organization. Allegations of surreptitious international relationships, mainly with Argentina (Gelli repeatedly suggested that he was a close friend of Juan Perón) and with some people suspected of affiliation with the US Central Intelligence Agency, were also partly confirmed. Soon a political debate overtook the legal level of the analysis. The majority report said that P2 action resulted in "the pollution of the public life of a nation. It aimed to alter, often in decisive fashion, the correct functioning of the institutions of the country, according to a project which ... intended to undermine our democracy." A minority report by Massimo Teodori concluded that P2 was not just an abnormal outgrowth from an essentially healthy system, as upheld by the majority report, but an inherent part of the system itself. The P2 was also investigated by the Commission for Mass Murders for alleged involvement in some massacres, but this led to nothing relevant. The members of P2 and Gelli were fully acquitted of the charges of "conspiracy against the State" by the Court of Assizes and the Court of Assizes of Appeal in Rome between 1994 and 1996. Licio Gelli (Italian: [ˈliːtʃo ˈdʒɛlli]; 21 April 1919 – 15 December 2015) was an Italian Freemason, businessman, and terrorist. A fascist volunteer in his youth, he is chiefly known for his role in the Banco Ambrosiano scandal and in the Bologna massacre. He was revealed in 1981 as being the Venerable Master of the clandestine Masonic lodge Propaganda Due (P2). This would lead to him getting arrested in Switzerland in 1982. He managed to escape from prison the next year, but eventually agreed to surrender him back into the custody of Swiss authorities for a short period of time in 1987. From 1996 until his death in 2015, Gelli remained mostly under house arrest at his home in Arezzo, Italy. Silvio Berlusconi (/ˌbɛərlʊˈskoʊni/ BAIR-luu-SKOH-nee; Italian: [ˈsilvjo berluˈskoːni] ⓘ; 29 September 1936 – 12 June 2023) was an Italian media tycoon and politician who served as the prime minister of Italy in three governments from 1994 to 1995, 2001 to 2006 and 2008 to 2011. He was a member of the Chamber of Deputies from 1994 to 2013; a member of the Senate of the Republic from 2022 until his death in 2023, and previously from March to November 2013; and a member of the European Parliament (MEP) from 2019 to 2022, and previously from 1999 to 2001. At the time of his death in 2023, he had a net worth of US$6.8 billion according to Forbes, making him the 352nd-richest man in the world and the third-wealthiest person in Italy.

The Red Brigades (Italian: Brigate Rosse [briˈɡaːte ˈrosse], often abbreviated BR) were an Italian far-left Marxist–Leninist militant group. It was responsible for numerous violent attacks during Italy's Years of Lead, including the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro in 1978,[4] a former prime minister of Italy through the organic centre-left. The assassination of Moro was a national shock in Italy, as was that of left-wing trade unionist Guido Rossa in January 1979. Sandro Pertini, the then left-wing president of Italy, said at Rossa's funeral: "It is not the President of the Republic speaking, but comrade Pertini. I knew [the real] red brigades: they fought with me against the fascists, not against democrats. For shame!" Formed in 1970, the Red Brigades sought to create a revolutionary state through armed struggle, and to remove Italy from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The organization attained notoriety in the 1970s and early 1980s with their violent acts of sabotage, bank robberies, the kneecapping of certain industrialists, factory owners, bankers, and politicians deemed to be exploitative, as well as the kidnappings or murders of industrialists, prominent capitalists, politicians, law enforcement officials, and other perceived enemies of the working-class revolution. Nearly fifty people were killed in its attacks between 1974 and 1988. According to the Center for International Security and Cooperation, the BR was a "broadly diffused" terrorist group. Models for the BR included the Latin American urban guerrilla movements and the World War II era Italian partisan movement. The group was also influenced by volumes on the Tupamaros of Uruguay published by Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, which in the words of historian Paul Ginsborg became "a sort of do-it-yourself manual for the early Red Brigades". Other influences included the Algerian National Liberation Front and the Viet Cong. In the 1980s, the group was broken up by Italian investigators, with the aid of several leaders under arrest who turned pentiti and assisted the authorities in capturing the other members. The group had a resurgence in the late 1990s to the 2000s. Although Italy was not the sole country to experience years of terrorism, The BR were the most powerful, largest, and longest-lived post-World War II left-wing terrorist group in Western Europe. Like-minded organizations were the Red Army Faction in Germany, the Irish National Liberation Army (with their political wing, the Irish Republican Socialist Party) in Ireland, and, in Spain, the Basque left-wing nationalist group ETA. Countries hit by terrorism included France, Germany, Ireland, and Spain. Throughout their existence, the BR were generally opposed by other far-left groups, such as Lotta Continua and Potere Operaio, and were isolated from the Italian political left, including by the Italian Communist Party (PCI), which they opposed for their Historic Compromise with Moro and Christian Democracy. With the kidnapping and murder of Moro, they were instrumental in blocking the PCI's road to government. In the words of historian David Broder, rather than causing through their actions a radicalization of the Italian political landscape as they had hoped, it resulted in an anti-communist blowback and a decline for the extra-parliamentary left, which has sometimes prompted accusations that the Red Brigades were infiltrated by anti-communist or governmental entities seeking to undermine the group, especially in regard to the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro.

Opium in Iran is widely available, and the country was estimated to have the highest per capita number of opioid addicts in the world at a rate of 2.8% of Iranians over age 15. The Iranian government estimated the number of addicts at 2 million. Opium and heroin from Afghanistan and Pakistan—known collectively as the Golden Crescent—pass through Iran's eastern borders in large amounts. In 2014, Iran burned 56 tons of Illicit Drugs on the International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking. The rate has fallen off since the Taliban started stopping the flow of opium.

Michele Sindona (Italian: [miˈkɛːle sinˈdoːna]; 8 May 1920 – 22 March 1986) was an Italian banker. Known in banking circles as "The Shark", Sindona was a banker for the Sicilian Mafia and the Vatican. Sindona was a member of Propaganda Due (#0501), a secret Masonic lodge of the Grand Orient of Italy. He was fatally poisoned in prison while serving a life sentence for the murder of lawyer Giorgio Ambrosoli. After landing on Sicily the Allied Forces gave important posts to the mafia, to reduce the influence of Communists and for them to organise the distribution of food aid. Sindona began working in smuggling operations with the Mafia transporting food in trucks.[4] At the same time, many American-raised Italian mafia members, like Lucky Luciano, returned to Italy. Sindona wrote that in 1946, all worked in the black market, that within six months he doubled his capital like a Wall Street banker and that he waited for Meyer Lansky, a Jewish mobster and reputed banker for the mafia, to give him "a signal". At the beginning of the 1950s, Sindona moved from Sicily to Milan, Northern Italy where he worked as a tax lawyer for rich Italians wanting to avoid paying taxes. He was an accountant for companies such as Società Generale Immobiliare and SNIA Viscosa. At the age of 30 he founded the company Fasco AG, inventing the system of back-to-back financing. His dexterity transferring money to Switzerland and Liechtenstein to avoid taxation soon became known to Mafia bosses. At the beginning of the 1950s, he travelled to New York and met the Gambino family. By 1957, he had become closely associated and was chosen to manage their profits from heroin sales. According to the pentito Mafioso (i.e., turned state's evidence) Francesco Marino Mannoia, Sindona laundered the proceeds of heroin trafficking for the Bontade-Spatola-Inzerillo-Gambino network. The mafiosi were determined to get their money back and would play an important role in Sindona's attempt to save his banks. International banker edit Within a year of being chosen by the Gambino family to manage their heroin profits, Sindona bought his first bank. At the beginning of the 1960s, Sindona was a friend of Giovanni Battista Montini, at the time archbishop of the Archdiocese of Milan and Cardinal. In 1964 Sindona made a deal with a London banker with the newly-introduced offshore Eurodollar.[4] By the time Montini became Pope Paul VI, Sindona had acquired, through his holding company Fasco, many more Italian banks, and his progress continued right up to the beginning of his association with the Vatican Bank in 1969. Huge amounts of money moved from Sindona's banks through the Vatican to Swiss banks, and he began speculating against major currencies on a large scale. In 1972, Sindona's Fasco International Holding purchased a controlling interest in Long Island's Franklin National Bank from Laurence Tisch. He was hailed as "the saviour of the lira" and was named "Man of the Year" in January 1974 by the US ambassador to Italy, John Volpe. But that April, a sudden stock market crash led to what is known as Il Crack Sindona ("The Sindona Bankruptcy"). The Franklin Bank's profit fell by as much as 98% compared to the previous year, and Sindona suffered a 40 million dollar loss. Consequently, he began losing most of the banks he had acquired over the previous seventeen years. On 8 October 1974 the bank was declared insolvent due to mismanagement and fraud, involving losses in foreign currency speculation and poor loan policies. Part of the losses involved Sindona's transfer of $30,000,000 of Bank funds to Europe to recover his losses. Sindona became a member of Propaganda Due (#0501), a secret Masonic lodge of the Grand Orient of Italy.

John David Norman (October 13, 1927 – May 22, 2011) was an American pedophile and sex offender convicted numerous times between 1960 and 1998 on charges of child molestation and child pornography. Throughout his life, Norman operated various direct mailing services dedicated to distributing child pornography and arranging sex trafficking. Among these operations were the Odyssey Foundation based in Dallas; the Delta Project, Creative Corps, and M-C Publications of Chicago; and Handy Andy from Pennsylvania.

The Odyssey Foundation was a nationwide child sex trafficking and child pornography ring operated in the early 1970s by convicted American pedophile John David Norman. Based primarily out of Dallas, Texas, the ring targeted and groomed runaway teenage boys and young men, often scouting them from bus stations.Operation and ScaleUnderground Infrastructure: Norman utilized direct mailing services, newsletters, and a complex network of aliases to traffic minors and distribute child pornography.Rebranding Tactics: Whenever law enforcement disrupted his network, Norman would dissolve the entity and create a new operation under a different name.Affiliated Fronts: In addition to the Odyssey Foundation, Norman operated several other interconnected fronts across the United States, including the Delta Project, Creative Corps, and M-C Publications in Chicago, as well as Handy Andy in Pennsylvania.The Index Cards: When law enforcement raided his operations, Dallas police uncovered a massive archive of roughly 100,000 index cards containing data on victims, clients, and contacts.Investigated Connections to Serial KillersDue to the overlapping geographic areas and the timeframe of the ring's operation, investigators and true-crime researchers have heavily scrutinized potential links between Norman's ring and major serial killers:John Wayne Gacy: Philip Paske, who was identified as Norman’s closest operational associate, briefly worked for Gacy's construction company in Chicago. While this sparked significant investigation into whether Gacy used the ring to procure victims, Gacy denied the link, and a formal direct criminal crossover remains a subject of ongoing true-crime debate.Dean Corll: A 1977 congressional subcommittee report on the sexual exploitation of children noted that Dallas police investigated potential information associating Norman with individuals linked to the Houston mass murders committed by Dean Corll. However, definitive evidence linking Corll's specific victims to Norman's catalog was never conclusively established by local police.Norman was convicted multiple times between 1960 and 1998, and he eventually died in 2011.

Central Banks should not compete, They should be like nice old grandparents who give their children money whenever they need it unconditionally.

There is a consistent trend of human trafficking from Ukraine, especially women and children. International Organization for Migration reports that Ukraine became one of the major sources of minors and females for their forced sexual exploitation; as a rule they are sold to Balkans, Central Europe and Middle East. An average price of Ukrainian girl is around $2,000 — $10,000 depending on her destination. In Israel a Ukrainian youngster may earn up to $50,000 — $100,000 annually for her pimp and have nothing left for herself. According to the available statistics the number of Ukrainian children involved in prostitution is growing both domestically and abroad. UN Special Rapporteur on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography Juan Miguel Petit concluded that the human trafficking and commercial exploitation of children are major problems in the country. After his visit to Ukraine he filed a special report to the UN Human Rights Committee, which says that 10% of the victims of human trafficking are aged between 13 and 18. Children of Ukraine are being exploited in different businesses for example as servants, in street trading, and to provide sex services. A typical model of the human trafficking in Ukraine is that the children are becoming victims of sexual exploitation residing within their country. In the majority of the incidents the Ukrainian criminals lure the potential victims into debt and then force them become prostitutes.

Drug dealers think they are getting ahead, But really they are harvesting FIAT for the fbi to fund secret wars. The moment they think they have too much power they get whacked.